NOTES

1. When I use the plural personal pronoun "we", I am referring to observations made and data collected by both my wife and myself.

2. Among the Iban sexual intercourse is conceptualized as armed combat, the penis as a "sword", and ejaculation as the loosening of a spear or the firing of a gun (Sather 1978:343).

3. Glottal stops are rendered by an apostrophe.

4. We did not discover this form of sexual aggression until field work in 1990 when we collected our first case.

5. There is no term for rape in the dictionary by a missionary (Forschner 1978) that is labeled as Rungus. However, it in fact contains lexemes from the neighboring Nulu isoglot (see footnote 12 for a definition of isoglot). This is a rather short dictionary and contains many errors. There is a dictionary of Kadazan, another isoglot of the Dusunic language group (Antonissen 1958). Kadazan is spoken in Penampang about 71 miles on a direct line south of the Rungus. Kadazan and Rungus are not mutually intelligible. This dictionary was made by a missionary with long experience in the country. There is no term for rape in it. The lexeme manabpo' appears, which is cognate with the Rungus manabpo'. It is translated as "to catch, to grab, to grasp, to snatch, to lay hold of". There is no indication of any implication of rape in this word.

6. Flynn in a cross-cultural study of insult behavior found that in every culture examined "direct or indirect references to genitals were a common, often the most common, content of insulting remarks or gestures" (1976:3).

7. I am indebted to Donald E. Brown for his useful comments on my research and in particular suggesting the importance of inquiring into the nature of love sickness.

8. The distribution among the Rungus population of myths and other projective materials is of course of critical importance to determine the degree to which they are idiosyncratic or represent the projections of the majority of the population. For example in this instance of the myth of the dog's penis, I recorded this from a major informant, but two other informants never heard about it. Unfortunately, we were unable to investigate the distribution of most such projective items except superficially.

9. It is important to emphasize in this context of sexual aggression that it is not males in Truk and the Trobriand Islands but females who exhibit aggression in coitus. Spiro (1982) provides a psychoanalytic explanation of this behavior among the Trobriand Islanders.

10. This contrasts markedly with what LeVine discovered among the Gusii of Kenya. He writes: "Legitimate heterosexual encounters ... are aggressive contests, involving force and pain-inflicting behavior which under circumstances that are not legitimate could be termed 'rape'" (LeVine 1959:971).

11. In my dissertation (Appell 1965), I used the term "force" to refer to the actions of the bride's family to get her to accept her husband. In reviewing my notes and rereading what I wrote I find this an inappropriate term as it carries the connotation of physical force when I actually meant social pressure.

12. By the term "isoglot" I indicate a self-conscious speech community. That is, it refers to the speech of an ethnic group, the members of which consider their language or dialect to be significantly different from that of neighboring communities and thus have an indigenous name by which to identify it. I coined this term to avoid the problems involved in the terms "language" or "dialect", which imply a certain status in linguistic analysis. The term "isoglot" is neutral in this regard. But as it reflects the indigenous organization of their linguistic and ethnic environment, it has greater ethnographic validity (see G. N. Appell 1968).

13. The weakness of both approaches is that they do not include procedures for explaining social change. They do not view organization of society as emergent (see G. N. Appell 1988). While this is an important issue, we shall not consider its implications further here. There are, of course, other modes of anthropological explanation: historical particularism, environmental determinism, sociological determinism, economic determinism, functionalism, etc. None of these seem particularly applicable to the purposes of this inquiry.

14. Benedict (1954, orig.1938) first drew attention to the psychological consequences of discontinuities in cultural conditioning.

15. This is in marked contrast to the Gusii of Kenya where some wives do express a distaste for coitus, and those that do refuse to have coitus for up to a week at a time may be beaten by their husbands (LeVine 1959:970).

16. However, the characteristics claimed by Sanday to produce low rape societies may only be sufficient conditions rather than necessary conditions if the preliminary data on the Japanese prove accurate. It is reported in the Japanese Statistical Yearbook (Statistical Bureau 1989) that the occurrence of rape is relatively low. Yet among the Japanese there appears to be a marked differential in male and female roles.

17. It is interesting to note, however, in contradiction to Sanday (1986) the Iban male does construct his personhood on being tough and aggressive, but this still does not result in producing a rape-prone society, as Sutlive in the introduction to this volume has pointed out.

18. It might be useful to use the term "biocultural interactionism" to distinguish this from the usage of interactionism in reference to the mind-body problem. See Freeman 1990 for his most recent statement on the interactionism of culture and biology.

19. In developing a theory of population adaptation in which physiological, psychological, and behavioral impairments are one measure of the efficiency of the populations's ongoing adaptation processes, I have referred to this as General Adaptation Theory (see Appell 1986). This theory must be distinguished from Selye's concept of the General Adaptation Syndrome (see Selye 1980). Selye's concept does not include a population and its social assets. General Adaptation Theory, which also integrates the General Adaptation Syndrome into it, does focus on a population and its cultural assets that are used in the processes of coping and adaptation. The resultant health impairments or enhancements from these processes of coping are the precursors of phylogenetic adaptation.